Disputes concerning the foreign branches of the Federation of Nepali Journalists (FNJ) have always been a recurring headache for the Federation’s central committee. Some disputes are genuine and require attention, while others are unnecessary. The political affiliation of journalist organizations often becomes the ladder for such disputes. Let’s look into the reasons, types of disputes, and which ones are necessary or unnecessary, along with the role of politically affiliated journalist organizations and the overall structure of the FNJ.
The FNJ exists as the continuation of the Nepal Journalists’ Association, formed on Baisakh 9, 2008 B.S. (1951 A.D.). On Jestha 29, 2053 B.S. (1996 A.D.), the Association was transformed into a Federation. The FNJ was formed through the affiliation of ten different journalist associations: Sports Journalists Forum, Film Journalists Association, Film Critics Society, Journalism Development Society, Journalism Research and Training Society, Cartoonists Club Nepal, Online Journalists Association, Photo Journalists Club Nepal, Tourism Journalists Association, and Nepal Journalists Forum.
With a history spanning over six decades, the FNJ has more than 13,000 members from print, radio, television, online, and freelance sectors. Leadership is elected every three years through direct voting, with each member casting their vote in person at their assigned polling station. However, members of foreign branches cannot participate in this voting. Currently, FNJ has foreign branches in nine countries: UK, Europe, Japan, Korea, Qatar, UAE, Hong Kong, Kuwait, and Malaysia.
It is perhaps the foreign branches that send the largest number of problems to the central office. Since these branches cannot participate in elections and thus cannot contribute votes, the central committee shows little interest in wasting time on their endless issues. How do these problems reach the central committee? Every major political party in Nepal has a journalists’ organization, and issues often reach the FNJ central office through these political ladders.
For example, the Nepali Congress has Press Union Nepal, CPN-UML has Press Chautari Nepal, CPN-Maoist has Press Centre Nepal, and Janata Samajbadi Party has Press Forum Nepal. Journalists loyal to certain political parties remain silent when things go in their favor but rush to complain through party-affiliated journalist organizations when situations turn against them. Since FNJ central leadership often comes from these political backgrounds, the complaints easily get recorded.
The FNJ central office has a heavy workload—managing 76 district branches, 42 institutional branches, 11 associate members, 10 provincial councils, 10 provincial committees, as well as the central council and central committee—along with coordinating with the government on policies and activities. There is simply not enough time to get entangled in the foreign branches’ disputes.
When disputes in foreign branches escalate, what alternatives exist? Nepali communities abroad have established the Non-Resident Nepali Association (NRNA) in 87 countries, so FNJ branches abroad could also multiply. Currently, FNJ has only a few branches overseas, and in some cases, it has affiliated with journalist organizations already formed in those countries. Once a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) is signed, such affiliated organizations can be granted rights equivalent to branches.
For example, the Nepal America Journalists Association (NEAJA) in the U.S. and the Australian Nepalese Journalists Association (ANJA) in Australia are affiliated with FNJ through MoUs. These organizations remain sovereign and independent, and their internal issues are resolved within themselves without reaching FNJ central. This model has proven effective and should be legally recognized.
According to Article 5(a) of FNJ’s constitution (2060 B.S., 5th Amendment 2075 B.S.), only Nepali citizens can become members. Many journalists permanently residing abroad—in the UK, parts of Europe (Belgium, Netherlands, Denmark, etc.), and the U.S.—have already acquired permanent residence of those countries, making them ineligible for FNJ membership. Therefore, it is better to form Nepali journalist organizations in accordance with the host country’s laws or convert existing branches into affiliated organizations.
Journalism is considered the fourth estate of the state. FNJ works in coordination with the Government of Nepal and is registered under it, meaning its jurisdiction is within Nepal’s borders. How far it can operate beyond these borders is a separate debate, but respecting the laws of the host country is a national and international norm. Thus, operating branches directly from Kathmandu in foreign countries can be legally problematic.
Article 5(3) of FNJ’s constitution requires membership renewal by the end of every Chaitra (mid-April). For journalists working abroad, this poses challenges; hence, affiliation rather than branch status is more practical.
One may also question the relevance of holding FNJ membership while residing abroad. FNJ is a full member of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) and the International Freedom of Expression Exchange (IFEX). FNJ members in the UK and Europe have been receiving IFJ cards from IFJ’s headquarters in Paris. This is perhaps the main benefit of branch membership. If affiliated organization members could also get IFJ cards, then FNJ branches in the UK and Europe could be transformed into affiliated organizations without delay.
Article 28(6) of FNJ’s constitution states that Nepali journalists legally residing abroad can form organizations that are recognized as foreign branches of FNJ. The president of such a branch—or a representative selected by the executive committee in the president’s absence—can participate in the general convention, but they cannot vote. This provision shows that branches and affiliated organizations are treated similarly in this regard.
However, there must be only one affiliated Nepali journalist organization per country. This ensures that both FNJ central and the foreign journalist organization operate within their legal jurisdictions. Such a provision would also end undesirable activities like individuals abroad luring FNJ leaders with foreign trips, gifts, or staged meetings with prominent politicians.
In conclusion, affiliated organizations remain independent and sovereign, and their internal issues do not reach FNJ central. In contrast, branch-level disputes—both genuine and unnecessary—often trouble the central office. Converting foreign branches into affiliated organizations, allowing them to use FNJ’s name and logo if desired, but requiring an MoU in every case, would be beneficial for everyone. This would also end the unnecessary commotion caused by politically affiliated journalist organizations abroad.
Author: Secretary, FNJ UK
